Nuclear Energy: Energy of the Future or Environmental Disaster? :: Physics, Atom, Radioactivity, Uranium

An atom slams into another, sending a wave of energy outward when it splits. The extremely hot heat wave collides with water, instantaneously turning it to steam. This steam shots up to turn a massive wheel- and electricity is made. This may sound like some cheesy sci-fi movie, but, in fact, is a real process used to make energy around the world. Nuclear power. But many critics and concerned citizens alike argue that it’s not worth it. The controversy around nuclear power only grows each year as the need for clean power increases- but is nuclear power the ‘silver bullet’ to the energy crisis or a risky gamble that we can’t afford to make? Pros The first question many ask is why, why use radioactive uranium instead of simple coal or oil? Think of it this way- Nuclear reactors make thirty-five tons of waste each year. Seems like a lot, right? But, coal plants make over 15 tons of waste†¦per minute. That’s over seven billion tons per year! ( Enc. America 2) Also, reactors release absolutely no emissions – gasses – into the air. That means they don’t contribute to global warming at all. (NEI 2) Not only are nuclear reactors environmentally friendly, they are also economical, too. The building of a reactor is a big project, so it ads many jobs to the US. By using reactors, we lower our foreign fuel dependence by over 2.1 billion barrels since 1979- that’s billions of dollars that stays in the wallet of the United States. (NEI 2) Many people who fear nuclear power imagine a nuclear meltdown to be like an atomic bomb – Mass destruction, mushroom clouds, the lot. But really, the truth is, no matter what, that can’t happen. There just simply isn’t enough uranium to explode. (NEI-2, 1) At a nuclear power plant, all disaster scenarios are considered and multiple safety systems are implemented against them. For example, plants have a wide variety of sensors and monitors measuring everything from temperature, water pressure, water level, and many other things. If any of these sense something wrong, the plant will immediately and automatically shut its self down. (NEI-2, 2) Not only that, but there are many physical barriers as well; ceramic pellets that hold the fuel and the waste; fuel rods made of a sturdy zirconium alloy; a large steel, sealed container with eight-inch wall; and last but not least, the massive concrete structure that is the plant itself.

In the Context of the Years 1558-1660 to Further the English Reformation?

In studies of Puritanism as a movement from 1558-1660, historians have debated over the definition of the word ‘puritan’ because of the changing nature of the movement as it responded to various political, social and religious developments. The conventional historical interpretation shared by historians Christianson and Wrightson is that ‘Puritan’ more narrowly referred to the ‘hotter sort of protestants’ who, although theologically indistinguishable from their Anglican counter-parts, actively sought reform of the established church from within whilst maintaining some doctrinal reservations.This definition encompasses the understanding that Puritanism was a distinct movement to further the English reformation, yet does not account for the greater circle of puritanical separatists who wished to leave the church altogether. Therefore it is best to adopt the widest description offered by Kearney in defining Puritanism as the â€Å"circle of discon tent both within and without the Established Church from the 1560s onwards†¦ What was common to all [the critics]†¦ was a vision of what the Church of Christ ought to be if it were stripped of externals and inessentials.Where they differed†¦ was in their view of what was external and inessential†. This interpretation more accurately allows for Puritanism to be understood in light of its constantly evolving ‘vision’ and ‘set of values’ through the years, which manifested in forms such as Presbyterianism in the 1580s and the political backbone of the Parliamentary force during the Civil War as interpreted by many a historian, including revisionist and Marxist historians. Wrightson argues that in 1558, to the Puritans, the church was â€Å"†¦half reformed.They were anxious to push ahead†¦ to move urgently towards ‘further reformation’† of the Elizabethan settlement. Whilst relieved by the succession of a prote stant monarch, many Puritans were urgent to pursue moderate reform of the settlement, to purge it of the ‘rags of Rome’, specifically from within the hierarchy of the Church of England. Edmund Grindal’s career as Archbishop is an example of moderate Puritanism acting as a force to further the reformation from within the established church.Indeed, Grindals swift promotion by the influential hand of Burghley and an anonymous letter sent to Grindal by a member of the Privy Council upon his appointment, strongly suggests there was an inter-governmental campaign by those of significantly higher office to promote Puritan leaders. It is clear that their intention was that â€Å"If reform was to come from within the establishment, there would never be a more favourable opportunity [to advance Puritanism]†.Supported by Collinson, this shows of how â€Å"progressive bishops [were] acting as catspaws for nervous courtiers in promoting moderate reform†. For mod erate Puritans, the desire to pursue the reformation over-shadowed the controversy of accepting Episcopal office. Through laying stresses on the churches pastoral rather than disciplinary aspects, it seemed that an alliance between hierarchy and Puritans might be possibly on the basis of a shared desire for moderate church reform.Therefore, among the first generation of Elizabethan bishops, Puritanism was set apart as a religious force within the national church that â€Å"tarry[ied] with the magistrate† to achieve a reformation of the national church. However, evidence suggests that many Puritans who had accepted preferment into the hierarchy of the church neglected furthering a national reformation to pursue a reformation within the localities. As parliamentary reform was stunted in 1576, and Elizabeth I actively opposed activities such as prophesyings â€Å"†¦ younger generation of [Calvinist] clergy and academics†¦[became] disillusioned by the failure of the bi shops to continue the process of reformation† and instead devoted themselves to itinerant preaching as a means of reconstituting the church from among the localities. This local activism changed the dynamic of Puritanism from pursuing a top-down structural reformation of the church through parliament, to one of localised grass-roots evangelisation. Indeed, activities such as ‘prophesying’ led by men such as Thomas Lever were not a part of the official programme of the established church.Instead Puritans sought to establish an alternative form of ministry in response to the dissatisfaction with the biblically ignorant clergy; they had the intent on promoting a unity of belief based on assent rather than on ecclesiastical authority, a form of reformation which distinctly encouraged non-conformity to the church hierarchy. Increasingly, as Acheson has argued, Puritanism was becoming a force to further the reformation through the education and communication of the word God, in defiance of the ecclesiastical authorities, sharing similarities with radical spiritual movements that had appeared on the continent.Additionally, Hill has argued that among the localities, Puritanism acted as a social force in undermining the educational functions of the established church. The social impact of the preaching of the word, with its increased popularity revealed the monopoly of control the established church had over the formation of opinion. This understanding is clear from the 1580s through to the 1640s as in 1587 the high commission persecuted Bishop Cooper of Winchester for preaching. State censoring of the printing press elevated the importance of preaching as the only accessible means of via communication to the illiterate masses. †¦ preaching†¦ fulfilled the religious function of a confessional – it became a source of guidance on moral and economic conduct†. The issues of church and state were indeed closely parallel. The bishops tried to maintain a monopoly over the production of opinion, driving unlicensed competitors away by the power of the state while many Puritans evolved a theoretical justification of free trade in ideas in order to raise the educational and disciplinary level of all churchgoers.To the hierarchy, this pursuit had explosive anarchic possibilities that threatened state authority. Puritanism had started to become a force of social and spiritual enlightenment so that when the state deprived ministers of their licenses and lodgings, many of the average educated laymen sympathized with the Puritans, resulting in the beginnings of what Hill has interpreted as class resistance to the hierarchy.However, the focus of Puritanism from parliament as the vehicle for reformation to the localities meant Puritanism took the form as a grassroots Presbyterian movement, an extension of the hierarchical Puritans stress on the parishes for communal reformation, radicalising and decentralising the focus of reformation away from state institutions and to the ‘godly minority’.The nature of this dissatisfied ‘classis’ movement, meant that the Puritan campaign for ‘further reformation’ uniquely advocated a return to an apostolic ideal that sought the establishment of a church through conference, with an independent Confession of Faith and form of discipline. The consequence of such gatherings, led by men such as Laurence Thomson was the intensification of a separatist mentality that abandoned trust in the church establishment in favour of freely associating congregations, reflecting the disestablishmentarian qualities that would develop into separatism.Spurr has therefore argued that Elizabethan Puritanism cannot be described as a single force to further a single view of reformation. Instead, â€Å"It is a set of values and aspirations which gets re-defined†¦ in response to different circumstances†. By the late 16th century separatism be came a pursuit of â€Å"reformation without tarrying for any†. The dashed hopes of Puritans in furthering the reformation through parliament meant it necessarily became a movement of spiritual intensity â€Å"advocating preaching†¦pursuing a moral reformation†.Puritanism was a reactionary movement that necessarily re-defined itself during the Elizabethan era according to the achievability of its goals, determined by the changing sympathies of those in power, particularly the monarch. Disaffected by the failure to achieve substantial godly reform, Elizabethan Puritanism and its momentum had been halted until Elizabeth’s death. The pursuit of reformation by Jacobean Puritans from 1603 has been described as one fighting â€Å"false doctrine, corrupted sinful human influence and superstitious practice†; a reformation based upon furthering individual biblical piety.Those of puritan inclination had begun to be the most conscientious and active in the task of evangelizing the people, a task that confronted Puritan evangelists with the reality of the state of popular religion; a faith of â€Å"formality and devotion† reliant upon repetitious, ritualistic prayer. Theologically the Jacobean church was broadly Calvinistic and instead it was the application of godly living to ‘superstitious cultural practices’ that was the focus of the Puritan pursuit for reformation.Consequentially, the pursuit for communal reformation, in the early 17th Century, meant Puritan moral and spiritual values had begun to transform communities, especially in market towns. A study by Hutton shows a correlation between the gradual disappearance of traditional festivities and the activism of local Puritan groups who imposed sabbatarianism and punished any ‘ungodly’ activities according to their impulses for reformation. For example, the arrest book in the town of Dorchester which was dominated by a Puritan group from 1610 onwards r ecalls numerous arrests on market day for swearing or getting drunk.Supported by Underdown, these popular cultural activities deeply concerned Puritans as a strict morality was essential as a sign of an individual’s ‘elect’ status. The vigorous and sometimes violent activism therefore was a fundamentally religiously motivated practice, aimed at a moral and spiritual reformation. However, by the 1630s Acheson argues that Puritan pursuits for reformation among the localities became reactionary to Lauds policies, leading to the growth of separatism. Puritanical separatists represented a religiously disaffected minority which ould shape Puritanism to be a dangerous political movement, a future cause of the English Civil War by bringing â€Å"disparate religious forces in a common opposition to episcopacy†. The monopoly of power held by the Arminians over church policy meant there was strong Puritan opposition in Parliament to semi-catholic activities made lawf ul under Charles I. Between 1630 and 1640 66 members of the Canterbury diocese went elsewhere for sermons as opposed to just four in the years 1620-1629.Wrightson has argued, â€Å"the Arminian victory in the church†¦shattered the Jacobean Consensus within which Puritan evangelists in the localities had been able to shelter†. Consequently, Puritanism contributed to a broader popular revolt of opinion to the prevailing Government and the Arminian claims to hold a monopoly on truth. This created a climate of intolerance, one that made attending church services an activity that was intolerable to a large minority of people. This isolation of a Catholic fearing, Calvinistic majority strengthened the political and spiritual urgency for Puritan action that would define the parliamentary movement in 1640.Contrastingly, Wrightson has argued that renewed parliamentary, particularly religious opposition to Charles I, re-shaped Puritanism from being concerned with matters of church governance, to matters of royal prerogative and divine rule. Whilst opposition to Arminianism defined much opposition to Charles I, it was the inability of the commons to direct religious affairs with an unsympathetic monarch that was cause of the parliamentary, Puritan frustration. In the commons, by 1629, charges of heterodoxy were made against Laud and speeches were being made linking Arminianism and Catholicism with Spanish Tyranny.This mindset is best reflected in Sir Benjamin Rudyard’s Long Parliament speech where he said that the Arminian â€Å"†¦masterpiece now, is to make all those of the religion the suspected party of the Kingdom†. Puritanism had started to become, through the House of Commons, the direct, vocal opposition to Arminianism. There was a greater and renewed depth to the Puritan opposition by equating Arminianism with Catholic tyranny and the destruction of ancient constitutional liberties. Puritan concerns became nationalised being now cen tred on a Monarch perceived to be the ‘capital enemy to the†¦Commonwealth’ on both constitutional and religious grounds. Puritanism, as expressed by the Commons, was now an anti-monarchic force, a movement of national political as well as religious dissent. Marxist historian Hill has argued that Puritanism was a revolutionary social force which, because of its promotion of practical devotion and godliness, provided a new social ethic which converged with the needs of 16th and 17th Century bourgeoisie. Hill argues that Puritanical labour values fulfilled an economic function which benefited agricultural and industrial production as the hiring of cheap labour became a form of ‘poor relief’.Puritanism had the effect of promoting a body of ideas that encouraged dignity in labour for its own sake, providing smaller artisans and merchants with an excuse to exploit the poor as cheap labour. This economic desperation led to Puritans to devote their preaching t o promoting employment. Most notably, when a congregation of merchants gathered at the annual Stourbridge Fair to listen to the divine William Perkins, the list of towns represented are all notorious Puritan centres.The evidence would suggest that the complimenting values of cheap labour and Puritanism meant it was not solely a force that pursued any kind of reformation, whether that is moral or individual. Instead it became a social force â€Å"to root out idleness† with a special emphasis on the duty of working hard, for extolling the dignity of labour. Alternatively, Collinson has argued that Hill’s interpretation fails to note of Puritanism’s most spectacular successes were in converting elements of the ‘feudal’ class that Marxist historians have said it was trying to destroy; suggesting Puritanism was not a force for social revolution.Collinson argues that because â€Å"the [Puritan] propaganda†¦stood in as much need of noble protectionâ € ¦success belonged to those with their hands on the strongest levers†. Consequently, through commanding the sympathies of upper class gentry such as Leicester until 1588 and the Earl of Bedford on the eve of the civil war, Puritanism was able to achieve further reformation as a result of hierarchical support. These powerful individuals â€Å"served to render effective a vigilant†¦ puritan policy† which would be more important to the Puritan cause of furthering the reformation in its public consequences.Therefore, Puritanism was not a social revolutionary force which sought to destroy the Gentry classes but instead united the classes as a force that throughout 1558-1640 pursued the reformation by providing a safe social environment within the localities for Puritans to operate. Contrastingly, evidence suggests that support for Puritanism from among the merchant classes was more to do with reducing ‘popish idleness’ and therefore working towards a mor e ‘godly’ and reformed society. Puritans perceived issues of vagabondage and idleness as social consequences of Catholicism.For example, there was great disapproval over monks and nuns because â€Å"for all they do nothing† they nevertheless â€Å"riot lavishly of other folks’ labours†. They were parasitic rentiers – and these perceptions of idleness, to Puritans, had invaded the thought of the ‘sinful beggar’. Therefore, whilst many lower-middle class merchants were motivated by economic reasons to encourage Puritanism, it is too simplistic of Marxist historians to identify Puritanism as a force to manipulate class tensions.In fact, the over-riding motivational factor was the belief that they were serving God’s purposes by hiring the idle poor; they believed they were furthering the Godly reformation of both the ‘commonwealth’ and of the ‘reprobate’. Alternatively, Hill has argued that the secret victory of Puritanism was infact the cultural acceptance of Puritan values that was the result of a â€Å"strenuous intellectual effort†. Jeremy Collier was a Puritan who finally led to victory Puritanism’s battle against immorality of the stage.The social aspects of his attitude: â€Å"†¦ [the divulging] of poets only tends to debauch mankind and†¦of civil life† was the cause and effect of those views. Particularly, the restoration of sexualised theatre was attacked vigorously by Puritans such as Thomas Gouge. Arguably, the revival of an established preaching ministry post-1630s marks a significant transformation in how Puritanism contributed to a revolution of ‘social thought’.Puritanism had successfully influenced the culture in a way as to make their intellectual and social considerations mainstream within the established church. Puritanism had succeeded in acting as a force to promote a set of culturally impacting practices which was to then reflect onto the opinions of the people to transform England’s society, through impacting the culture. During the civil war, Marxist historians have interpreted the role of Puritanism as a unique social revolutionary force.Hill has highlighted that Puritanism was among the â€Å"flowering of radical, democratic and egalitarian notions among the common people† which he argues was part of an inevitable class struggle which defined the years 1642-1660 as a time of ‘revolution’. However, revisionist historians such as Dow have accustomed to the idea that in the 1640s and 1650s Puritanism was not a force confined to the struggle of one social group in an attempt to re-shape the social or political order. Instead, he has argued that England â€Å"†¦witnessed†¦ adical religious groups whose†¦ concern was to attack the notion of a disciplined, established national church†. Ignited by decades of religious oppression Puritanism had a r enewed spiritual intensity that for the first time in 100 years was united in the pursuit of one common goal; the reformation of the established national church centred on opposition to the royal supremacy. Historical debate therefore centres on whether Puritanism was a ‘revolutionary force’ against the crown preceding and during the Civil War.Revisionist, Collinson has argued that from 1635-1640 and the opening of the long parliament, Puritanism acted as a stabilising conservative force in preserving the true Protestant Religion upon which the throne and God’s favour was predicated. Indeed, Puritanism, whilst substantially growing pre-1640, was hardly a revolutionary force dissent was expressed in lawful, peaceful means of the King-in-Parliament via ordered national days of prayer and fasting. However, the sharp rise in frequency of prayer and fasting days in the 1640s which reached a total of 24 in 1643 suggests that this activity reflected instead a ‘spi ritual revolution’.What made Puritanism a revolutionary force was a perception among the Godly that they had to choose between two masters; to seek truth by obeying God or, to obey earthly authority. They chose the former. Charles I and Laud had created the very Puritanism that they dreaded, changing Puritanism from being a lawful conservative movement to one of forced religious and political radicalism founded upon unshakeable spiritual conviction. What Gardiner called ‘the puritan revolution’ had begun.Supported by McGiffert, this radicalised movement was an extension of the pursuit of a further reformation through the re-establishment of a national covenant. The Protestation that was introduced into the Commons on 3 May 1641 demanded that the swearer promise to defend â€Å"the true reformed religion†¦ against all†¦popish innovation in this realm†. A covenant of the Solemn League in 1643 bound England and Scotland together â€Å"to†¦ the reformation of the Church of England†. These national covenants were a direct attempt by Puritans to impose a spiritual reformation upon all the subscribers to the covenants.The advocates of these covenants thus saw themselves as fighting a war between against the ungodly and believed that they were holding the King accountable for breaking his covenant to defend the faith. It is important to recognise the great paradigm shift that took place within the English political establishment by 1646. Puritanism had embarked on flights ten times more daring than the Elizabethan agitation for ‘further reformation’, and a hundred times more devastating in its political consequences.The dynamic of the Puritan movement during the ‘Puritan Revolution’ is evidence that, as a force in the pursuit of a ‘godly reformation’, Puritanism demanded the spiritual renewal of an entire people that shook the English political establishment forever. In conclusion, Puritanism as a force between the years 1558-1660 to further the English reformation cannot be assessed as a singular movement united under one pursuit at any period. There is no doubt that Puritanism was born out of a sense of religious and spiritual dissatisfaction centred on the lack of progress of a ‘godly reformation’.It did however have a significantly broader social impact on England that surpassed simply religious reform. As Hill interpreted, Puritanism, most significantly in post-Elizabethan England prevailed as a force to impact upon the practices of the individuals, transforming social attitudes and the national conscience concerning labour and the national church. By acting as a force that sought to transform the culture, via popular opinion, Puritanism was able to make the religious and political advancements by the 1660s that they’d battled for decades.However, revisionist historian Patrick Collinson has rightly observed that whilst Puritanism was additionally a force for the promotion of distinct social thought â€Å"†¦ [it] was merely an outward expression of the aroused inner conscience†. After 1590 Puritanism as a political force had temporarily subsided and as there was a profound alteration in religious culture, the desires and aspirations for the pursuit of a godly reformation became internalised and ‘reformation’ had become an act of continual and deliberate submission to the divine will and purpose.It is within this understanding of the Puritan conscience that one can conclude the very identity of Puritanism as a force in the years 1558-1660 as of one in the direct pursuit of furthering the reformation. The first generation of Elizabethan bishops shared the Puritanical fervour for the encouragement of prophesyings and individual piety. This internal pursuit and conviction, from which Puritan action was born continued in spite of changing circumstances. The separatism of the 1630s and even the ‘Puritan Revolution’ in the 1640s was the result of this internalised fiery Puritan spirituality n which covenanting with God within either an individual, local or national context was the central and fundamental pursuit of Puritanism as a force to further the reformation. ——————————————– [ 1 ]. Elizabeth I and Religion by Susan Doran 1994 [ 2 ]. The Emergence of a Nation State: The Commonwealth of England 1529-1660, Ch. 18, pg 147 ‘The challenge to the Church: Puritan opposition and Catholic threat’ by Alan G. R. Smith [ 3 ]. Lecture 10 – Early Modern England: Politics, Religion, and Society under the Tudors and Stuarts – chapter 3 – Protestants [ 4 ].The Elizabethan Puritan Movement by Patrick Collinson – Moderate Courses – Grindal pg 160 [ 5 ]. The Elizabethan Puritan Movement by Patrick Collinson – pg 161 â €“ ‘Anonymous Letter’ â€Å"It is greatly hoped for by the godly and well-affected of this realm that your lordship will prove a profitable instrument in that calling; especially in removing the corruptions in the court† It is suggested that either Walsingham or Mildmay wrote this letter, but scholars are uncertain. [ 6 ].Elizabeth I and Religion 1558-1603 by Susan Doran – Puritans pg 34 [ 7 ]. The Elizabethan Puritan Movement by Patrick Collinson – The Beginnings of a Party pg 51 – Thomas Lever was Archdeacon of Coventry [ 8 ]. Society and Puritanism in pre-revolutionary England – The preaching of the word by Christopher Hill [ 9 ]. Society and Puritanism in Pre-Revolutionary England by Christopher Hill – ‘The Preaching of the Word’ [ 10 ]. Society and Puritanism in Pre-Revolutionary England by Christopher Hill – ‘The Preaching of the Word’ [ 11 ].The Elizabethan Puritan movement by Patrick Collinson ‘The Early Presbyterian movement’ [ 12 ]. The Elizabethan Puritan Movement by Patrick Collinson – ‘The Early Presbyterian Movement† pg 135. [ 13 ]. Lecture 18 – Street Wars of Religion: Puritans and Arminians – Professor Wrightson of Yale University [ 14 ]. Lecture 18 – Street Wars of Religion: Puritans and Arminians – ’38 Puritans were severely punished by Laud acting from the Star Chamber – they were pilloried and had their ears slit off’. 15 ]. Radical Puritans in England 1550-1660 – ‘The Two Smoaking Firebrands’: Laud and the Growth of Religious Separatism – pg 36 – Table 2: Presentments for religious offences in the diocese of Canterbury, 1590-1640 [ 16 ]. In 1634 Lathrop and 30 members of his congregation left for America following the growing pressures of the authorities. [ 17 ]. The Early Stuarts 1603-1640 by Katherine Brice Chapter 6, Religion, 1603-1 640. [ 18 ].English Puritanism – ‘Jacobean Puritanism: Gestation And Rebirth’ – Sir Benjamin Rudyards speech to the Long Parliament â€Å"They have brought it to pass that under the name of Puritans all our religion is branded†¦whosoever squares his actions by any rule either divine or human is a puritan; whosoever would be governed by the king’s law, he is a Puritan†¦their masterpiece now, is to make all those of the religion the suspected party of the Kingdom†. [ 19 ]. English Puritanism – Puritanism and Society: Towns include: King’s Lynn, Norwich, Ipswich, Colchester, Coventry, Northampton and Leicester [ 20 ].Puritanism & Revolution by Christopher Hill – ‘William Perkins and the Poor’ [ 21 ]. Society and Puritanism in Pre-Revolutionary England by Christopher Hill – ‘Conclusion’. [ 22 ]. Radicalism in the English Revolution 1640-1660 by F. D. Dow – ‘The Debate on the English Revolution’ [ 23 ]. Radicalism in the English Revolution 1640-1660 by F. D. Dow- ‘ The Religious Radicals’ [ 24 ]. FAST DAYS AND FACTION: THE STRUGGLE FOR REFORMATION, ORDER, AND UNITY IN ENGLAND 1558 – C. 1640 By Thomas Cornell Doumaux [ 25 ]. English Puritanism by Patrick Collinson [ 26 ]. English Puritanism by Patrick Collinson

The Organizational Behavior

Organizational behavior studies human behavior in the workplace and the interaction between people and the organization. When applied to understanding organizational culture, the set of understandings or meanings share by a group of people, and diversity, the differences that exist between individuals, organizational behavior helps a company gain competitive advantage. It does so by improving access to and retention of labor as well as worker productivity and company image. According to Vandeveer, Menefee and Sinclair (2006), organizational behavior is the systematic study of human behavior in the workplace, the interaction between people and the organization with the intent to understand and predict human behavior. Based on theories that behavior is generally predictable, there are differences between individuals, there are fundamental consistencies and that there are a set of rules in almost every organizational setting, organizational behavior explores relations in an attempt to determine causes and effects and draws conclusions based on scientific evidence. Two of the many areas of study include organizational culture and diversity. Organizational culture is a set of understandings or meanings shared by a group of people that are largely tacit among members and are clearly relevant and distinctive to the particular group which are also passed on to new members (Louis, 1980). There are three levels of organizational culture, behavior and artifacts, values, assumptions and beliefs defined by Schein (1988). Behavior and artifacts include expressions that can be seen, felt or heard, such as dress code, offices, awards and recognition and how people interact with each other. Values include things such as a company's mission statement, codes of conduct, and slogans. Assumptions and beliefs are tacit in nature; they are not visible and are not easily identified because they exist as unspoken rules. Underlying assumptions and beliefs grow out of values until they become taken for granted and drop out of awareness. The study of organizational culture is important because it affects productivity, performance, commitment, self confidence, and ethical behavior (Sathe, 1985). Diversity represents the differences that exist between individuals. It includes a broad range of things such as culture, race, ethnicity, gender, socioeconomics, age, physical and mental abilities, sexual orientation, religion, language, appearance, personality, learning and thinking styles, communication and conflict styles, family status, geography, military status, education, life and work experiences, and functional responsibility in a given organization (What is diversity? ) Goals of studying diversity in organizations are to understand and take advantage of similarities and differences of all people in achieving a company's mission. With this knowledge, it may be possible to establish a process that allows diverse groups of people to maximize productivity, creativity, and enjoyment to reach their full potentials without being advantaged or disadvantaged by irrelevant or limiting factors. A Business-Higher Education Forum representative states, â€Å"Demographic trends compel business and higher education to make a conscious investment in the development of the talent and productivity of all citizens. † (Corporate, higher education leaders warn: U. S. ust focus on diversity or face decline in competitiveness, 2002) In addition to recruitment, diversity in the workplace can reduce lawsuits and increase marketing opportunities, creativity, and business image (Esty, Griffin, and Schorr-Hirsh, 1995). Ultimately, organizational behavior is a discipline that can be used to improve an organization. Organizational culture and diversity are two areas that prove the tremendous potential for applying organizational behavior. Labor supply, retention and performance and company image depend on successful cultural and diversity practices.

Who Is the Real Monster in Mary Shelley’s Novel, Frankenstein?

Essay: â€Å"Who is the real monster in Mary Shelley’s novel, Frankenstein? † Mary Shelley’s objective was to write a novel about how important, or not appearances are. The saying â€Å"You can never judge a book by its cover†, is what Mary Shelley is trying to explain to the reader. The tree main characters have different ways of seeing life, but loneliness bonds them together. They’ve had unique and painful life experiences, but nothing can stop them from pursuing their goal. This book it starts of with Walton's journey, then Frankenstein’s story, then the monster's view and finally back to Walton's narrative.The purpose of this essay is to show who the real monster is. The first character is Robert Walton he is presented as a fearless captain of a crew. He is obsessed with the idea of finding another way to reach the North Pole. The following line can give you an idea about how determined and selfish he is, â€Å"I ordered us to wait one night longer, and took the chance to get some sleep†. He can also be bossy and companionate in the same time, for example in the next line â€Å"I told the man to wrap him in blankets and warm him by the ship’s stove†.Robert Walton wants to know more about Victor Frankenstein, he states: â€Å"When I asked if his studies had brought him to the frozen north, he looked at me with a deep sadness†. This shows that he can be compassionate too. Victor Frankenstein is the main character; he comes from Geneva, Switzerland. Since he was small he enjoyed discovering the unknown â€Å"I was more interested in nature than I was in people†. He was the biggest child in his family; he had 2 brothers and a half-sister.His passion of knowing was increasing every day â€Å"From that moment I was determined to find the answers to these questions, to discover the secrets of life†. Right before Frankenstein went to university his mother died â€Å"I was keen to go, but, just before I was to set out, my mother fell ill with a fever and died†. By going to university, after his mother’s death, show’s how selfish he is â€Å"In the end, of course, I had to leave†. Frankenstein had always been interested in science, but his interests developed more, once his mother died.Before going to university he promised Elizabeth, his half sister, that he will write to her â€Å"My dear Elizabeth clasped my hands and begged me to write, to write often, and I promised that I would†. But when he got to university he forgot his promise to Elizabeth. His arrogance leaded him to be such a good scientist â€Å"I smiled to hear this because I knew my understanding of science was not just the equal of theirs but far superior†. Now he wanted to learn more about dead bodies â€Å"I had to understand death and decay†. He regrets the fact that he continued with his research â€Å"Oh, Walton, if I had only stopped thereà ¢â‚¬ .His desire was to create life â€Å"I wanted to create a living being, a creature like myself but perfect and original†, he considered himself a God. Frankenstein also shows us how irresponsible he is, because he didn’t think about what will happen, or what will he do once he will create the monster. So he started working on the idea of creating life. The memory from his childhood â€Å"When the light was gone, the tree was left a blasted stump, smoking in the rain† affected him, now he was thinking about using electricity to create life â€Å"A flash of electricity like the one I’d seen destroy the tree†.When the creature gained life, Frankenstein gets scarred and ashamed of his creation â€Å"I felt a surge of triumph, but it lasted no more than an instant†. Frankenstein's description of the monster makes us think that he is horrific. ‘Black lips' and ‘watery eyes' are horrific Frankenstein's view. This description also portrays the monster in a bad way, although the monster has not done anything to be ‘evil' or ‘monstrous'. The only way he is monstrous is through Frankenstein's physical description. Frankenstein also uses rhetorical questions throughout the chapter.This gets the reader involved, but also reminds us that he is still telling his story to Walton. â€Å"But was I free? Could I ever be free while that dreadful thing was waiting for me in my work room? †. After his friend, Henry Clerval’s visit he realized that he was ill, when he went to check if the creature was still there he found out that â€Å"The monster had gone†. Frankenstein seems to have abandoned his creation, so this seems quite monstrous. On the other hand, the monster is certainly monstrous in appearance, though he has not done anything wrong at this point in the book.While Henry and Victor were having breakfast the terrible news of William’s death occurred and they left immediately . When he arrives at his home, and he realizes that the monster must have killed his brother, although he has no evidence â€Å"I had given life to the dreadful being that had killed my own brother†. However, Frankenstein says nothing in court, and lets his good family friend Justine hang. This adds to his monstrous behavior due to his cowardice. Frankenstein goes away to the Alps, and seeks comfort in nature, and to get away from the trouble at home, â€Å"From he first time in weeks I felt something like happiness in my heart†. Frankenstein is perhaps showing selfishness by leaving his family alone in these troubled times. This again, can make us question who the real monster is. But Frankenstein’s joy didn’t least. ‘Rage' and ‘horror' is how Frankenstein describes his emotions, and this shows how unexpected and scared he is. During this scene, Frankenstein also describes the monster in an ugly way, ‘vile demon’ and ‘devil '. Next, Frankenstein exaggerates by saying â€Å"You dare come to me after what you have done? †.The creature is just trying to talk to Frankenstein â€Å"Stay still and listen to me†. They blame each other for what happened and they both have strong arguments against each other. This starts to show who the real monster is, and how it could possibly be Frankenstein. At this point, Shelley has made us reconsider who is more monstrous and the person acting more monstrously is Frankenstein, due to his attitude towards the monster, and rejecting the monster's story, at first. At this point in the book, we are made to feel sorry for the monster, because he has been rejected.Also, the only description of the monster has come from Frankenstein. Since this is the case the creature may not look as bad as suggested. The monster then tells his story to Frankenstein. It begins with both Frankenstein and society rejecting the monster and he ends up running away, and living in a fo rest. Here he learns to read, because he continues listening to the poor family next door. The feeling of sadness gets worse after finding and reading Frankenstein’s diary. After analyzing ‘the happy family’‘s life he was hoping that he could ‘speak with them one day’.However, when he tries to talk the blind man, his family walk in, and ‘saves’ the old man from the ‘monster’. The monster was ‘born’ good, but the abandonment of his creator and of society has made him be who he is. This perhaps makes us feel sorrier for the monster, and also really makes us question who the real monster is. Because of his loneliness the creature begs Frankenstein to ‘make’ another creature, so he won’t be alone anymore. Firstly Frankenstein refused the creatures deal, but in the end he accepted. Frankenstein collected all the equipment he needed and retired on an island, where no one could find him.The mo nster watched every step of Frankenstein’s work, but in the end Frankenstein ‘began to destroy his new creation’ because ‘he refused to bring more misery into the world’. The monster was devastated and threatened Frankenstein, â€Å"I shall be with you on your wedding night! †. Frankenstein thought that the creature was going to ‘kill’ him, but sadly the ‘monster’ was referring to Elizabeth, the person Frankenstein cared the most. While he was going back to Geneva to ‘meet with Henry’, he found out that the creature killed someone again†¦ This time it was Henry, his best friend.On his wedding night Victor was shocked to find Elizabeth dead, â€Å"He was pointing at the lifeless form of Elizabeth, a grin twisted on his vile face†. But ‘the news of Elizabeth’s death was more than his poor father could bear. It broke his heart and he died’. Because of hatred towards his creato r, and society, he gets ‘corrupted' and kills many of Frankenstein's family. The creature regretted that â€Å"he had destroyed his greatest enemy, and his greatest friend, and all the hater I have left is for myself’.Frankenstein dies. Captain Walton learned a lesson. Within Mary Shelley’s novel, Frankenstein, all three characters show monstrous behavior. I believe that a monster is not recognized and defined only by its physical appearance. I believe that Frankenstein's creation is not the true monster in this novel. But neither are Frankenstein or Walton. In my opinion society is the real monster, because they â€Å"Judge a book by its cover†, in other words society cares just about someone’s looks and not about how they really are.

Innovation in Vodafon Case Study Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 2250 words

Innovation in Vodafon - Case Study Example Hendricks & Singhal (1997. pp432-435) conducted a research in relationship between timing of new product introductions and market value of firms to discover that all firms that are late in introducing new products to the market lose market value. These theories indicate the importance of innovations for organization to remain competitive in the markets & the overall industry. As presented by Brown and Kozinets et al (2003. pp30-33), just carrying forward the heritage of the brand will not ensure its survival - old brand need to keep on learning new tricks of survival. In this essay, the author presents a brief introduction of innovations of Vodafone whereby the history, innovation characteristics and most innovative service of Vodafone have been covered in brief. In the end, the author has presented they perspective of his contribution to the innovations of Vodafone. Vodafone has slightly more than two decades of history and hence is relatively younger compared to many competitive firms in the telecommunications industry. It started in 1988 as a 100% owned subsidiary of Racal Electronics Plc and was operating in the name of Racal Telecom Plc which first time got listed in 1988 offering 20% of the overall capital to the public. Racal Telecom Plc became independent of Racal Electronics Plc in 1991 and was renamed as Vodafone Group Plc after the de-merging. As on today, the Vodafone Plc executive board is chaired by Sir John Bond and the Group CEO is Vittorio Colao who has taken charge from Arun Sarin very recently after the latter's retirement. Vodafone operates in 20 countries directly or through franchises that are Albania, Australia, Czech Republic, Egypt, Germany, Ghana, Greece, Hungary, India, Ireland, Italy, Malta, Netherlands, New Zealand, Portugal, Qatar, Romania, Spain, Turkey and the UK. In every country, the local operations are led by the country CEO who acts as the business in-charge of Vodafone in the country. All the country CEOs collectively report to the group CEO. (http://www.vodafone.com/start/about_vodafone/who_we_are.html) Vodafone Group Plc is one of the largest global mobile communications company having the vision to achieve the number one position in this industry. The vision statement of Vodafone states that "Our goal is to be the communications leader in an increasingly connected world". The "Cute Dog" advertisement with the "Happy to Help" message at the end itself is an innovation. Currently, this advertisement is getting close to hearts of the Indians with many variants of it floating in the local markets (http://www.resourcesforlife.com/docs/item1413). Vodafone has largely focussed on the global wireless communications market unlike their nearest global counterparts AT&T Inc. & British Telecom Plc. that are engaged more in wired telecommunications markets across the world. In the statement by the Group Chairman, Sir John Bond, it is emphasized that Vodafone is actively looking at mobile communicat

Case Study Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 500 words - 25

Case Study - Essay Example Integrating with another company allowed Wal-Mart to gain retail facilities and employees quickly, which saved time  and prevented lost profit. Additionally, it eliminated competition by doing business first with its competitors. This brought Wal-Mart time to gain excellent position in the market while avoiding tough competition with established retailers, which could result in huge losses for the â€Å"newcomer.† Once Wal-Mart opens its own stores, it employs its classic â€Å"pile ‘em high, sell ‘em cheap† strategy, which has a universal appeal to consumers. This strategy worked best at times of recession and in emerging markets since it is when and where buyers want to make the most out of their money. Because of its extensive reach and strong customer patronage, Wal-Mart virtually controls what goes into the households in the areas it dominates. Fears that Wal-Mart is becoming â€Å"too powerful† have been roared by activists and sufficiently echoed by the media. Many companies, producers, and buyers are afraid that Wal-Mart will soon be monopolizing the global retail market. Hence, activists and the media, backed by producers and retailers, are strengthening their opposition to Wal-Mart. Also, some retailers in Mexico, who were previously competitors, have begun collaborating to match the giant retailer. Yet the greatest challenge for Wal-Mart is the possibility that consumers may share the fears for a â€Å"too powerful† retailer. This fear could easily spread as many shops have already shut down as a result of Wal-Mart’s presence. In 2001, Wal-Mart earned more than three times that of its strongest competitor. However, the figures are not indicative of global performance since much of its revenue comes from North America. Considering its U.S. performance, it has fared badly internationally, particularly in countries which are drastically different

Uniform Commercial Code Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 1500 words

Uniform Commercial Code - Essay Example In the United States, the remedies of buyers and sellers of goods are governed by the Article 2 of Uniform Commercial Code (UCC) as it has been adopted with variations from state to state. Some contractual control over remedy is developed by the Article II of the Uniform Commercial Code, i.e., liquidated damages clauses; and contractual modification or limitation of remedy under UCC 2-719. Some remedies have been promoted for mistake and unconscionability as like, mistake in the formation of an agreement - the recession and restitution remedies; mistake in integration or expression - the reformation remedy; mistake in performance of an obligation - the restitution remedy; and unconscionability. If one of the parties to sale fails to perform the contract duties, the law makes several remedies available to the other party (Anderson; 1980:372). Remedies for the aggrieved seller are listed in the Uniform of Commercial Code 2-703 and 2-711 gives the basic buyer's remedies. The underlying doctrine for Code remedies is contained in section 1-106, which restates "the common-law theory of contract damages." Remedies under the Code are designed to protect the expectation interest of the party not in breach, and to provide "just compensation for the loss." The focus of the Code's remedial structure is on the anticipated future result if a party in breach has fully performed. Remedies under the Code are found in several sections, depending on who the breaching party is and at what point in the transaction breach occurs. The Article 2 concept that usually dictates which of these two remedial schemes will apply is "acceptance." If a buyer receives and continues to "accept" the goods, the exchange will normally be completed despite a breach. 7 Thus, except in rare circumstances, a buyer can retain accepted goods and a seller is entitled to the price for accepted goods.8 Seller's Remedies under UCC When contract for sale is breached by the buyer, the seller has a number of remedies available. Among the seller's remedies under the circumstances in 2-203 of the Uniform of Commercial Code, are the option to cancel, UCC 2-106(4), 2-703(f), or to withhold delivery, UCC 2-703(a).9 UCC 2-703 certify that where the buyer wrongfully rejects or revokes acceptance of goods or fails to make a payment due on or before delivery or repudiates with respect to a part or the whole, then with respect to any goods directly affected and, if the breach is of the whole contract (UCC 2-612), then also with respect to the whole undelivered balance, the aggrieved seller may following remedies: (a) withhold delivery of such goods; (b) stop delivery by any bailee as hereafter provided (UCC 2-705); (c) proceed under the next section respecting goods still unidentified to the contract; (d) resell and recover damages as hereafter provided (UCC 2-706); (e) recover damages for non-acceptance (UCC 2-708) or in a proper case the price (UCC 2-709); (f) cancel. Before